Acts 18 Part 2
Notes
Transcript
Handout
1 After these things Paul departed from Athens, and came to Corinth; 2 And found a certain Jew named Aquila, born in Pontus, lately come from Italy, with his wife Priscilla; (because that Claudius had commanded all Jews to depart from Rome:) and came unto them. 3 And because he was of the same craft, he abode with them, and wrought: for by their occupation they were tentmakers. 4 And he reasoned in the synagogue every sabbath, and persuaded the Jews and the Greeks. 5 And when Silas and Timotheus were come from Macedonia, Paul was pressed in the spirit, and testified to the Jews that Jesus was Christ.
We now find Paul in the city of Corinth.
Corinth was approximately 53 miles west from Athens. The road would have been more like 55-60 miles and would have taken Paul about 3 days to travel by foot.
Paul likely arrived in Corinth around AD 50.
We will talk about how we anchored this timeline later.
According to the Roman historian Suetonius, Claudius expelled the Jews from Rome because they “constantly made disturbances at the instigation of Chrestus.”[1][2] This reference likely points to conflicts arising from Jewish conversion to Christianity.[1]
The exact nature of these disturbances remains debated. The Jewish communities in Rome were divided over whether to regard Jesus as the Messiah,[3] and Christian Jews proclaiming Jesus as the Christos may have created conflict within the Jewish community.[4] Evangelistic Christians could have violated Claudius’s policy of religious tolerance by disturbing public peace through street preaching, offending accepted morals, and converting native Romans.[2]
However, the historical picture is complicated. Some historians question Suetonius’s accuracy, noting that Claudius maintained a generally pro-Jewish policy, upholding Jews’ entitlements to freedom of worship, residence, and business in Gentile cities provided they didn’t undermine their neighbors’ religious and political rights.[2] One historian suggests the expulsion may have targeted only prominent Christians rather than all fifty thousand Jews in Rome, since a complete expulsion would have been impractical.[2]
The dating itself remains uncertain. Orosius places the expulsion in Claudius’s ninth year, corresponding to A.D. 49,[1] though Cassius Dio reports that Claudius forbade Jews from assembling in A.D. 41, suggesting possible multiple incidents.[2] The expulsion likely occurred later in Claudius’s reign and may reflect a different political stance than his earlier pro-Jewish edicts.[1]
[1] John McRay, Paul: His Life and Teaching (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic, 2003), 63–65.
[2] Karen H. Jobes, 1 Peter, Baker Exegetical Commentary on the New Testament (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic, 2005), 32–33.
[3] Jacob W. Elias, 1 and 2 Thessalonians, Believers Church Bible Commentary (Scottdale, PA: Herald Press, 1995), 362.
[4] J. Bradley Chance, Acts, ed. Leslie Andres and R. Alan Culpepper, Smyth & Helwys Bible Commentary (Macon, GA: Smyth & Helwys Publishing, Incorporated, 2007), 324.
What do we know about Corinth?
It is a place of wickedness.
Corinth did indeed carry a notorious reputation for depravity and wickedness throughout the ancient world. The term “Corinthian girl” meant prostitute, and to “live like a Corinthian” signified living with drunken and immoral depravity.[1] Rather than hiding this reputation, Corinthians openly celebrated it—immorality was one of the city’s most publicized attractions.[1]
However, scholarly assessment reveals a more nuanced picture. Much of Corinth’s infamy appears to have originated from envy among rival Greek city-states, who exaggerated the influence of Aphrodite’s cult to slander the city’s morals. In reality, Corinth was a large urban center no richer or poorer in terms of morality than comparable cities either ancient or modern.[2]
Beyond its moral reputation, Corinth displayed distinctive characteristics shaped by its role as a commercial crossroads. The city embodied tolerance of plurality—a “live and let live” attitude where residents embraced diverse worldviews and lifestyle choices, with more than thirty cults and over twelve temples or shrines present.[3] Despite general upward mobility, patent inequality marked society, with a chasm between wealthy aristocrats (perhaps 5 percent of the population) and struggling slaves, with a middle class aspiring to higher status between them.[3]
When Paul visited around 50 AD, Corinth was the most beautiful, modern, and industrious city of its size in Greece.[4] Roman improvements included restored and enlarged temples, new shops and markets, water supplies, and public buildings including an amphitheater seating perhaps 14,000.[4] The city was renowned for its bronze metallurgists and for sponsoring the biennial Isthmian games, second in prestige only to those of Olympia.[2]
[1] Cindy Bultema, Live Full Walk Free: Set Apart in a Sin-Soaked World (Nashville, TN: HarperChristian Resources, 2016). [See here, here, here.]
[2] James A. Davis, “1-2 Corinthians,” in Evangelical Commentary on the Bible, Baker Reference Library (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House, 1995), 3:959.
[3] Murray J. Harris, Renowned—But . .: The Church of Corinth in the First Century AD and Its Relevance for the Twenty-First-Century Church (New York, NY: Cascade Books, 2022), 14–15.
[4] Wendell Willis, “Corinth,” in Eerdmans Dictionary of the Bible, ed. David Noel Freedman, Allen C. Myers, and Astrid B. Beck (Grand Rapids, MI: W.B. Eerdmans, 2000), 279.
The Isthmian games were held near Corinth every two years in honor of Poseidon, god of the sea, and ranked among the four major festivals of Greece.[1] Only the Olympic games held greater prestige in the Greco-Roman athletic world.[2]
The biennial competition attracted athletes and spectators from across the empire and featured musical, literary, oratorical, and athletic competitions with divisions for boys, youths, men, and women.[2] Athletic events included foot races, two-horse chariot races, the pentathlon (running, jumping, discus and javelin throwing, and wrestling) and the pankration (boxing and wrestling).[1]
The games carried enormous cultural and economic significance for Corinth. Unlike most cities where the highest political office was that of the duumvir, in Corinth the most prestigious political appointment was the agonothetes, or president of the games.[2] The president of the games, who also funded them, gave multiple civic dinners for those who had Corinthian citizenship.[3] The games brought considerable prestige and wealth to Corinth.[4]
The victor’s crown in Paul’s time apparently was withered wild celery, a “perishable wreath,”[1] which Paul alluded to in his athletic metaphor in 1 Corinthians 9:25. Paul would have arrived in Corinth the first time (AD 50) just after the games were held (49),[3] and he may have made tents for some of the crowd that flooded into the city.[3]
[1] James S. Jeffers, The Greco-Roman World of the New Testament Era: Exploring the Background of Early Christianity (Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press, 1999), 264–265.
[2] Moyer V. Hubbard, Christianity in the Greco-Roman World: A Narrative Introduction (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic, 2010), 138–139.
[3] Alan F. Johnson, 1 Corinthians, The IVP New Testament Commentary Series (Westmont, IL: IVP Academic, 2004), 7:16.
[4] Tremper Longman III, Peter Enns, and Mark Strauss, eds., in The Baker Illustrated Bible Dictionary (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Books, 2013), 356.
When Paul arrives at Corinth who does he meet?
Aquila and Priscilla.
We don’t know when they became believers, but they were already believers when Paul arrived at Corinth.
The Most Likely Reconstruction
Based on the evidence:
Aquila and Priscilla were Jews living in Rome.
Christianity reached Rome very early.
They probably became Christians in Rome before A.D. 49.
Claudius expelled Jews from Rome around A.D. 49.
They moved to Corinth.
Paul met them there around A.D. 50–51.
They became some of his closest ministry partners.
What was the occupation that Paul shared with Aquila?
Tentmakers.
The word here σκηνοποιοὶ (skēnopoios) refers to someone who is a leatherworker.
Tents during this time were primarily made of leather for durability and longevity.
Jewish culture insisted every boy learn a manual trade, recognizing that Jewish boys needed means to earn their own living in foreign cities where war or persecution might transport them, and Jews dignified manual labor, believing even a rabbi must have a skill.[1]
[1] D. Edmond Hiebert, In Paul’s Shadow: Friends & Foes of the Great Apostle (Greenville, SC: Bob Jones University Press, 1993), 28.
Tentmakers were typical urban poor who filled Roman cities[1], positioned alongside other manual laborers in the lowest economic strata.
Artisans and craftsmen whose labor from morning to night earned only a starvation wage[1] characterized the reality of Paul’s trade. Paul himself, as a tentmaker, worked day and night to avoid burdening others, grew weary from hard labor, and regularly experienced hunger, nakedness, and homelessness[1]. High rent, particularly in urban centers, made the life of manual workers vulnerable to indebtedness[1].
However, there was an important exception in Corinth specifically. The Isthmian Games, held biennial in Corinth, granted an enormous economic boost to service industries including leatherworkers and tentmakers[2]. This suggests that while tentmaking was ordinarily a subsistence trade, Paul and others in his profession may have experienced periodic economic advantages when major events drew crowds to the city.
Notably, Aquila and Priscilla were probably wealthy, as they had homes large enough for house churches in virtually every city[3]. This suggests they may have transcended typical artisan poverty through entrepreneurial success or prior wealth, rather than through the trade itself. Some scholars propose they were wealthy entrepreneurs with businesses in multiple cities, though it’s equally plausible their mobile business simply allowed them freedom of movement[3].
[1] MiJa Wi, “Wealth and Poverty,” in Behind the Scenes of the New Testament: Cultural, Social, and Historical Contexts, ed. T. J. Lang, Elizabeth E. Shively, and Bruce W. Longenecker (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic: A Division of Baker Publishing Group, 2024), 384.
[2] Bruce W. Longenecker and Todd D. Still, Thinking through Paul: An Introduction to His Life, Letters, and Theology (Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan, 2014), 111.
[3] Grant R. Osborne, Romans, The IVP New Testament Commentary Series (Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press, 2004), 404–405.
What was Paul doing every sabbath after he arrived?
Reasoning in the synagogue.
What was Paul’s reaction to the Jews opposing the gospel?
He shook off his raiment and walked away.
Read chapter 5 for the context. It helps to understand the depth of what Paul is doing here.
13 Also I shook my lap, and said, So God shake out every man from his house, and from his labour, that performeth not this promise, even thus be he shaken out, and emptied. And all the congregation said, Amen, and praised the Lord. And the people did according to this promise.
Paul’s action of shaking his raiment signified his disassociation from the Corinthian Jews who opposed him and blasphemed, accompanied by his declaration that their blood would be upon their own heads and that he was clean—he would henceforth turn to the Gentiles. (Acts 18:6)
This gesture carries deep symbolic weight rooted in Old Testament practice. The shaking of one’s garment or lap functioned as a solemn curse, invoking God to shake out those who violated their obligations, emptying them from their house and labor. (Neh 5:13) Paul’s action echoes this tradition, marking a decisive break and pronouncing judgment.
The gesture also connects to the apostolic practice of rejecting hostile audiences. Jesus instructed his disciples to shake off the dust of their feet when departing from those who would not receive them or hear their words, as a testimony against them. (Matt 10:14; Mark 6:11; Luke 9:5) While Paul shakes his raiment rather than dust, the underlying meaning remains consistent—a symbolic severance from those who reject the gospel message.
Critically, Paul’s declaration that “your blood be upon your own heads” reflects the watchman imagery from Ezekiel. In Ezekiel’s vision, a watchman who fails to warn the wicked bears responsibility for their blood, while one who warns them delivers his own soul. (Ezek 33:1–9) Paul’s gesture and words assert that he has fulfilled his prophetic obligation—he has warned them, and their rejection of the gospel now rests upon themselves, not upon him. His conscience is clear, and the responsibility for their spiritual fate transfers entirely to them.
When Paul leaves the synagogue, where does he go?
Justus’ house.
Where was his house located?
Next to the synagogue.
Paul is purposely placing himself at a strategic point.
Who was Justus?
He was a Gentile (Greek) who feared and worshiped God in the synagogue.
It is debated among scholars if he was a true proselyte. The Greek language simply states ‘God fearing’ rather that the word for ‘proselyte’.
Who in the synagogue believes in Christ?
Crispus.
What was his position?
Ruler of the synagogue.
Crispus held the position of chief ruler of the synagogue in Corinth, making him a figure of considerable authority and influence in the Jewish community. His conversion to Christianity represented a significant breakthrough for Paul’s ministry, as the leader of the very institution that had opposed Paul now became a believer along with his entire household.
The impact of Crispus’s conversion rippled through Corinth. His decision to follow Jesus apparently lent credibility to the Christian message among the broader population, as many Corinthians who heard the gospel subsequently believed and were baptized. This suggests that Crispus’s social standing and respected position gave weight to his testimony.
Paul personally baptized Crispus, an act Paul later recalled with gratitude when writing to the Corinthian church. This direct connection between Paul and Crispus appears significant—Paul mentions baptizing only Crispus and Gaius by name, distinguishing them from the many others he baptized in Corinth. The specificity of this memory suggests Crispus held particular importance in the establishment of the Corinthian church.
Crispus exemplifies the pattern of conversion that characterized Paul’s missionary work: initial opposition from Jewish leadership gave way to individual conversions among those very leaders, which then catalyzed broader acceptance of the gospel. His transformation from synagogue ruler to Christian believer demonstrates how the gospel penetrated even the most resistant segments of Jewish society in the diaspora.
How long did Paul stay in Corinth?
A year and a half (18 months).
Who was proconsul of Achaia?
Gallio.
His mention is important since he was proconsul from AD 51- AD52.
This helps to lockdown the approximate time of Paul’s arrival in AD 50.
Gallio was born in Cordoba, Spain around 3 B.C.[1], and his two younger brothers were Seneca the philosopher (who became tutor to the future Emperor Nero) and Marcus Annaeus Mela, a geographer and father of the poet Lucan.[1]
He assumed the name L. Junius Gallio Annaeus when adopted by his wealthy friend Lucius Junius Gallio, who introduced him to a political career.[1] Beyond his role as proconsul in Achaia, Gallio served as a senator of Rome, though the climate in Corinth made him ill according to a letter from Seneca.[1]
Historically, an inscription discovered around 1905 at Delphi reveals that Gallio became proconsul of Achaia after the 26th acclamation of Claudius as imperator, placing his arrival in Corinth around July 1, A.D. 51.[1] Ancient sources describe his affable nature[2], and he exemplified the typical Roman governor’s attitude toward religious disputes of the period.[2]
Gallio’s later life took a tragic turn. Finding the climate at Corinth unhealthy, he apparently welcomed the opportunity to return to Rome, where he counseled Nero.[3] However, Nero forced all three brothers—Gallio, Seneca, and Marcus Annaeus Mela—to commit suicide around A.D. 66.[1] More specifically, Seneca died first, then Nero forced Gallio to commit suicide about A.D. 65.[3]
[1] John Rea, “Gallio,” in The Wycliffe Bible Encyclopedia, ed. Charles F. Pfeiffer and Howard F. Vos (Moody Press, 1975). [See here, here, here, here, here, here.]
[2] Kerr C. M., “Gallio,” in The International Standard Bible Encyclopedia, Revised, ed. Geoffrey W Bromiley (Wm. B. Eerdmans, 1979–1988), 2:393.
[3] Chad Brand et al., eds., “Gallio,” in Holman Illustrated Bible Dictionary (Nashville, TN: Holman Bible Publishers, 2003), 619.
The Downfall of the Seneca Family
Gallio’s family was one of the most powerful in Rome, but that power eventually made them targets for the increasingly paranoid Emperor Nero.
The Rise: Gallio's brother, Seneca the Younger, was Nero’s tutor and most influential advisor during the early, peaceful years of Nero’s reign (the Quinquennium Neronis). During this time, Gallio enjoyed high status and held the office of Consul.
The Pisonian Conspiracy (A.D. 65): In A.D. 65, a plot to assassinate Nero (the Pisonian Conspiracy) was discovered. While it is unclear if the Seneca family was actually involved, Nero used it as an excuse to eliminate his high-ranking critics.
Seneca's Death: Nero first forced Seneca (Gallio’s brother) to commit suicide. Shortly after, Nero forced their brother Mela (the father of the poet Lucan) to do the same.
Gallio’s Final End (A.D. 65 or 66)
Gallio initially survived the immediate purge of A.D. 65, but he was eventually caught in the aftermath.
According to the Roman historian Tacitus, Gallio was terrified after his brothers were killed and pleaded for his life.
However, according to Dio Cassius, Nero eventually compelled Gallio to commit suicide as well, likely in late A.D. 65 or A.D. 66.
How did the Jews respond to Paul preaching and teaching?
They caused an insurrection and brought him to the judgment seat.
Did the Romans at this time differentiate Christianity from Judaism?
No. They viewed it as a sect of Judaism.
It won’t be until about AD 64 during Nero that we know there was a clear distinction between Christianity and Judaism by the Romans.
The fire of Rome happened on the night of July 18-19 of AD 64 and Nero would blame the Christians for the fire. It was easy to do this because he could rally the Jews favor against the Christians as well.
Even Tacitus, who was did not like Christians made the fair connection that Nero used them as Scapegoats to kill the rumor that Nero himself set the fire.
Tacitus said:
“But neither by human help, nor by the emperor’s gifts, nor by appeasing the gods did the scandal die down that the fire was believed to have been ordered. Therefore, to put down the rumor, Nero substituted culprits and inflicted the most elaborate punishments on those whom the mob called Christians, hated for their alleged shameful acts.”
What kinds of “shameful acts” were Christians accused of?
Usually not actual proven crimes, but rumors and misunderstandings. Early Christians were often accused of things like:
atheism
because they refused the Roman gods
hatred of mankind / humanity
because they separated from pagan rituals and civic religious life
cannibalism
based on distorted reports about eating Christ’s body and drinking his blood in the Lord’s Supper
incest or sexual immorality
because they called one another “brother” and “sister” and met in “love feasts”
secret crimes
because their meetings were private and not easily understood by outsiders
So “shameful acts” likely refers to this whole cloud of ugly suspicion, slander, and hostile rumor.
What does Gallio tell the Jews regarding their attempt to have Paul charged?
Hint: Acts 18:14
14 And when Paul was now about to open his mouth, Gallio said unto the Jews, If it were a matter of wrong or wicked lewdness, O ye Jews, reason would that I should bear with you: 15 But if it be a question of words and names, and of your law, look ye to it; for I will be no judge of such matters.
Gallio is saying: If you had a legitimate legal wrong to present, then reason would dictate I should hear you. But you don’t.
When the charges against Paul fail and Gallio dismisses the matter, what happens?
The people beat Sosthenes.
Why did they beat Sosthenes?
Because the case against Paul had just collapsed before Gallio and the crowd turned on the Jewish accusers.
Why did Gallio not care that Sosthenes was attacked?
That likely means Gallio regarded the whole matter as beneath his concern once he had dismissed the case.
Possible reasons:
He saw it as an extension of the same religious quarrel.
He had no desire to defend the accusers after rejecting their case.
He was indifferent to a minor beating in the aftermath, especially if he viewed it as a local disturbance and not a real legal matter.
Gallio did not care because he had already ruled the matter to be an internal religious dispute and refused to treat it as a Roman legal issue.
Gallio also would not want to create more disruption when it was not necessary.
Paul wrote 1 & 2 Thessalonians while at Corinth around AD 50-51.
Paul’s earliest letter was Galatians, written after his first missionary journey around Acts 14–15[1]. This was probably composed around 49 CE[2].
During his second missionary journey, Paul wrote 1 and 2 Thessalonians while at Corinth to the church he had founded in Thessalonica, fitting somewhere in Acts 18:1–17[1]. Most scholars believe 1 Thessalonians was written in 50 or 51 CE[3].
By the time Acts 19 begins, Paul had written only these three letters. During his third missionary journey, Paul wrote his first letter to the Corinthians while in Ephesus, which would fit somewhere in Acts 19[1]. 1 Corinthians was written in the mid-50s during Paul’s extended ministry at Ephesus on his third missionary journey[2].
So up through the events of Acts 19, Paul had written four letters: Galatians (from his first journey), 1 and 2 Thessalonians (from his second journey at Corinth), and 1 Corinthians (from Ephesus during his third journey). The remaining letters attributed to Paul—including 2 Corinthians, Romans, and the Prison Epistles—came later in his ministry and imprisonment.
[1] Daryl Aaron, Understanding Your Bible in 15 Minutes a Day (Minneapolis, MN: Bethany House Publisher, 2012), 73.
[2] Richard N. Longenecker, “The Letters,” in The Eerdmans Companion to the Bible, ed. Gordon D. Fee and Robert L. Hubbard Jr. (Grand Rapids, MI; Cambridge, U.K.: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 2011), 634.
[3] John Schwarz, A Handbook of the Christian Faith (Bethany House, 2004). [See here.]
Who did Paul take with him to Syria?
Aquila and Priscilla.
Cenchreae served as Corinth’s eastern port on the Saronic Gulf and functioned as the hub for trade with Asia and the Mediterranean’s eastern shores. The port lay approximately 3 to 5 miles east of the ancient city, making it the natural maritime gateway for commerce flowing to and from Asia.
Cenchreae served as Corinth’s eastern port on the Saronic Gulf and functioned as the hub for trade with Asia and the Mediterranean’s eastern shores[1]. The port lay approximately 5 to 8 kilometers east of the ancient city[2], making it the natural maritime gateway for commerce flowing to and from Asia.
The harbor’s strategic importance derived from Corinth’s position on the isthmus, which gave it control of two ports—Cenchreae facing east toward Asia and Ephesus, and Lechaeum facing west toward Italy[2]. This dual-harbor arrangement made Cenchreae the emporium for Corinth’s trade with Asiatic shores[1]. Before the Corinthian Canal was constructed, traffic traveling from Asia to Europe frequently passed through Cenchreae, then across Corinth to Lechaion[3].
When Julius Caesar revived Corinth in 44 BCE, Cenchreae’s fortunes improved significantly, with new harbor facilities built to support Corinth’s expanding role as an eastern Roman emporium, including two artificial rubble breakwaters designed to provide deep-water anchorage suitable for larger Roman vessels[4]. The port’s international prominence and prosperity likely peaked during the second century CE[4]. The New Testament references to Cenchreae confirm an early Christian community existed there, including Phoebe, a deaconess of the church[4].
[1] David E. Graves, Cities of the New Testament World: An Illustrated Guide to the Places of the Bible in the Steps of Jesus and the Apostles, Cultural Background of the Bible (New Brunswick, Canada: Electronic Christian Media, 2023), 3:539.
[2] Anthony C. Thiselton, The First Epistle to the Corinthians: A Commentary on the Greek Text, New International Greek Testament Commentary (Grand Rapids, MI: W.B. Eerdmans, 2000), 1.
[3] Walter A. Elwell and Barry J. Beitzel, “Cenchreae, Cenchrea,” in Baker Encyclopedia of the Bible (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House, 1988), 1:419.
[4] Robert L. Hohlfelder, “Cenchreae (Place),” in The Anchor Yale Bible Dictionary, ed. David Noel Freedman (New York: Doubleday, 1992), 1:881.
What vow did Paul take?
Nazarite vow.
When did he take this vow?
It is believed that he likely took the vow after the victory at the judgment seat of Gallio.
So why did he cut his hair?
This would have signified the end of his vow.
Paul’s vow expired when he reached Cenchreae, the eastern port of Corinth[1], marking the conclusion of a temporary vow he had likely begun sometime after his legal victory in Gallio’s court, during which he abstained from wine and let his hair grow[2].
Your observation about the apparent contradiction is astute. The Nazarite regulations explicitly prohibit shaving during the vow period itself (Num 6:1–21)—the head-shaving occurs after the vow concludes. A Nazarite was understood to have completed his vow precisely when he shaved his hair and offered it at the altar[3]. So the shaving doesn’t violate the vow; rather, it fulfills it.
However, a complication arises regarding the sacrificial requirements. Ordinarily a temporary Nazarite vow was concluded by shaving the head and offering a sacrifice, which required one to be present in Jerusalem[4]. While Paul would normally have continued the vow until reaching Jerusalem and having his hair shaved at the Temple, Jewish practice in his day recognized the validity of ending the vow and cutting hair elsewhere, provided the hair would be delivered to the Temple and a sacrifice made within 30 days[2].
Jewish tradition also permitted cutting hair in the country rather than exclusively at the sanctuary[5], which explains how Paul could shave at Cenchreae while still fulfilling Nazarite obligations. Paul likely took this vow as an expression of gratitude for the fruit of his ministry in Corinth and his legal vindication before Gallio[2].
[1] Arnold G. Fruchtenbaum, The Book of Acts, ed. Christiane K. Jurik, Ariel’s Bible Commentary (San Antonio, TX: Ariel Ministries, 2020), 384.
[2] C. Peter Wagner, The Book of Acts: A Commentary (Ventura, CA: Regal, 2008), 420.
[3] Bruce D. Chilton, “The New Testament’s Interpretation: The Nazirite Vow and the Brother of Jesus,” in Torah Revealed, Torah Fulfilled: Scriptural Laws in Formative Judaism and Earliest Christianity (London; New York: T&T Clark, 2008), 66.
[4] Carl R. Holladay, Acts: A Commentary, The New Testament Library (Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press, 2016), 357.
[5] John M’Clintock and James Strong, “Naz′arite,” in Cyclopædia of Biblical, Theological, and Ecclesiastical Literature (New York: Harper & Brothers, Publishers, 1894), 6:881.
Wait, were there such things as a temporary Nazarite vow?
Yes.
Yes, temporary Nazarite vows were quite common by Paul’s era. The practice of adopting Nazarite requirements for a temporary period developed during the postexilic period[1], and the vow’s popularity is well attested in the Second Temple period[2].
The accessibility of temporary vows increased significantly over time. The vow’s popularity at the close of the Second Temple period can be explained by the relative ease in fulfilling it—rabbis had reduced the standard term to thirty days, and importantly, the cost for the terminal sacrifice could be assumed by others, whereas all other vows had to be fulfilled by the votary himself[3]. This financial flexibility proved crucial: a custom grew up for wealthy people to provide the requisite sacrifices for their poorer brethren, as when Agrippa ordered that many Nazirites should have their heads shaven[4].
The evidence suggests widespread participation across social classes and genders. By including women among those who undertook the Nazirite vow, legislation suggests that the temporary Nazirite was a widespread phenomenon, amply attested for the period of the end of the Second Temple[3]. The great numbers of Nazirites can be inferred from records that document hundreds of Nazirites simultaneously appearing before a first-century rabbi[3].
However, official religious attitudes toward the practice were mixed. By the end of the Second Temple period both priests and rabbis united in their deprecation of the Nazirite, with roots traceable to the holiness laws in Leviticus, which by their silence regarding the Nazirite tell us forcefully enough that this is not the preferred way[3]. Yet despite institutional skepticism, from references in Josephus it appears that Nazirites were a common feature of the contemporary scene[5], making Paul’s vow entirely typical of his time.
[1] Tony W. Cartledge, “Nazir, Nazirite,” in The New Interpreter’s Dictionary of the Bible, ed. Katharine Doob Sakenfeld (Nashville, TN: Abingdon Press, 2006–2009), 4:241.
[2] Lacy K. Crocker, “Vows, Religious in the Ancient World,” in The Lexham Bible Dictionary, ed. John D. Barry et al. (Bellingham, WA: Lexham Press, 2016). [See here.]
[3] Jacob Milgrom, Numbers, The JPS Torah Commentary (Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society, 1990), 358.
[4] James Hastings et al., in Dictionary of the Bible (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1909), 648.
[5] J. D. Douglas, “Nazirite,” in New Bible Dictionary, ed. D. R. W. Wood et al. (Leicester, England; Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press, 1996), 809.
Why would someone take on a temporary Nazarite vow?
Temporary Nazarite vows functioned as conditional promises made during prayer, where someone seeking divine assistance would pledge abstinence in exchange for God’s intervention. The motivations varied considerably across different circumstances and periods.
We do this with prayer and fasting. Typically we will ‘fast’ (abstain) from a certain food or activity to demonstrate our devotion whether the motive is to draw closer to God, for God’s guidance, or to show our gratitude for God’s blessings.
Temporary Nazarite vows functioned as conditional promises made during prayer, where someone seeking divine assistance would pledge abstinence in exchange for God’s intervention.[1] The motivations varied considerably across different circumstances and periods.
In the later period, individuals adopted the vow to secure specific personal outcomes—such as safe passage during travel or recovery from illness.[2] The practice became especially common during times of sickness and hardship, as well as during festival seasons, particularly Pentecost.[3] Beyond crisis situations, the vow also served as an expression of gratitude or devotion. In your earlier question about Paul, his vow likely reflected thanksgiving for his successful ministry in Corinth and his vindication before the magistrate Gallio.
The underlying theology drew from the ancient understanding that lifelong Nazirites experienced a permanent, consecrated relationship with God[1]—and temporary vows allowed ordinary believers to enter that heightened state of holiness for a defined period. The stringent purity requirements paralleled those demanded of the high priest[1], elevating the votary’s spiritual status temporarily.
The vow’s appeal also lay in its accessibility. While poorer individuals sometimes lacked resources for the required terminal sacrifices, wealthier community members considered it pious to sponsor these offerings, making participation possible across economic classes.[1] This democratization of sacred practice—combined with the standardized thirty-day duration—transformed the Nazarite vow from an elite spiritual practice into a widespread institutional feature of Second Temple Judaism.
[1] Tony W. Cartledge, “Nazir, Nazirite,” in The New Interpreter’s Dictionary of the Bible, ed. Katharine Doob Sakenfeld (Nashville, TN: Abingdon Press, 2006–2009), 4:241.
[2] James Hastings et al., in Dictionary of the Bible (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1909), 648.
[3] J. Chase Franklin, “Nazirite,” in The Lexham Bible Dictionary, ed. John D. Barry et al. (Bellingham, WA: Lexham Press, 2016). [See here.]
Ephesus functioned as a major Mediterranean seaport with exceptional accessibility by both sea and land through the Roman road network, making it one of the empire’s most commercially valuable cities. The city boasted approximately 300,000 inhabitants, and served as the seat of the Roman proconsul and courts of justice in Asia Minor.
Ephesus functioned as a major Mediterranean seaport with exceptional accessibility by both sea and land through the Roman road network, making it one of the empire’s most commercially valuable cities.[1] The city boasted approximately 300,000 inhabitants[1], and served as the seat of the Roman proconsul and courts of justice in Asia Minor.[1] Beyond its commercial and political significance, Ephesus functioned as a religious center, housing the shrine of Serapis and the magnificent Temple of Artemis, one of the Seven Wonders of the Ancient World.[1] The temple attracted vast numbers of religious pilgrims annually, and local craftsmen profited substantially from manufacturing and selling images of the goddess Diana to these visitors.[1]
When Paul arrived in Acts 18, he visited briefly while returning from his second missionary journey, primarily engaging with Jews in their synagogue.[1] He left behind Priscilla and Aquila, his loyal companions, when departing for Jerusalem.[1] During his third missionary journey, Paul spent between two and three years in Ephesus teaching and training disciples, likely during A.D. 54–57.[1]
Regarding John the Apostle: In postbiblical tradition, Ephesus was associated with John the Apostle, to whose memory a Byzantine basilica was built.[2] However, early church tradition says that the apostle John lived in Ephesus toward the end of his life[3]—meaning this association developed after the Acts 18 period. There is no biblical evidence that John was present during Paul’s visits to Ephesus in Acts 18 or even during Paul’s extended ministry there around A.D. 54–57. The tradition linking John to Ephesus appears to be a later ecclesiastical development rather than a historical fact contemporaneous with Paul’s ministry.
[1] Gary H. Everett, The Epistle of Ephesians, Study Notes on the Holy Scriptures (Gary Everett, 2011), 6.
[2] Paul J. Achtemeier, Harper & Row and Society of Biblical Literature, in Harper’s Bible Dictionary (San Francisco: Harper & Row, 1985), 272.
[3] Tremper Longman III, Peter Enns, and Mark Strauss, eds., in The Baker Illustrated Bible Dictionary (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Books, 2013), 512–513.
Many believe that Aquila and Priscilla either moved or opened a branch of their business in Ephesus with Paul as a partner.
This would have helped aid Paul as he taught and worked in the ministry and also allow him to continue to work as well in his craft.
Paul himself was not a slacker. In fact he instructed the church in Thessalonica to work hard and that none should eat if they do not work.
6 Now we command you, brethren, in the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, that ye withdraw yourselves from every brother that walketh disorderly, and not after the tradition which he received of us. 7 For yourselves know how ye ought to follow us: for we behaved not ourselves disorderly among you; 8 Neither did we eat any man’s bread for nought; but wrought with labour and travail night and day, that we might not be chargeable to any of you: 9 Not because we have not power, but to make ourselves an ensample unto you to follow us. 10 For even when we were with you, this we commanded you, that if any would not work, neither should he eat. 11 For we hear that there are some which walk among you disorderly, working not at all, but are busybodies. 12 Now them that are such we command and exhort by our Lord Jesus Christ, that with quietness they work, and eat their own bread. 13 But ye, brethren, be not weary in well doing. 14 And if any man obey not our word by this epistle, note that man, and have no company with him, that he may be ashamed. 15 Yet count him not as an enemy, but admonish him as a brother.
We actually do not know how long Paul stayed at Ephesus. Generally it is believed to have been quite short since he needed to leave.
What feast did Paul need to attend?
Pentecost (Feast of Weeks).
Based off the timing this seems to be the most likely feast that Paul would have attended.
Pentecost was one of the three pilgrimage feasts.
The other two being Passover and Feast of Tabernacles.
Remember, Paul is still a Jew.
Paul likely arrived early in the year AD 52 and left to be at Jerusalem Pentecost which would be Spring of AD 52. He could have gone to Passover but many believe that he went for Pentecost. He will repeat this pattern later in the book of Acts.
What was Paul’s purpose for visiting all the previous regions he had been?
To strengthen all the disciples.
This is the heart of a pastor who is going to check on his people and attend to their wellbeing.
Who do Aquila and Priscilla meet in Ephesus?
Apollos.
What does the bible tell us about Apollos?
From Alexandria Egypt.
Eloquent.
Mighty in the scriptures.
Apollos was a Jewish Christian from Alexandria who appears in Acts and 1 Corinthians.[1] He possessed considerable skill in Greek rhetoric and had already acquired substantial knowledge about Jesus when he arrived in Ephesus, where he began teaching in the synagogue.[1]
His abilities attracted the attention of Priscilla and Aquila, who provided him with deeper Christian instruction, since he “knew only the baptism of John.”[1] After this mentoring, Apollos traveled to Corinth.[1] There he became acquainted with Paul.[1] When factions emerged within the Corinthian church, some believers regarded Apollos as a greater authority than Paul, likely due to his reputation as an orator.[1] However, Apollos did not encourage this sentiment and resisted Paul’s invitation to return to Corinth.[1]
Apollos’ deep knowledge of Scripture and preaching skill probably stemmed from his Alexandrian background, which produced the Septuagint and influenced allegorical interpretation. Because of these qualities, some scholars have suggested Apollos authored the Epistle to the Hebrews.[2] Paul later recommended Apollos to Titus around 63 CE when Apollos was in Crete.[2]
[1] Paul J. Achtemeier, Harper & Row and Society of Biblical Literature, in Harper’s Bible Dictionary (San Francisco: Harper & Row, 1985), 39–40.
[2] Allen C. Myers, “APOLLOS,” in The Eerdmans Bible Dictionary (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1987), 66.
The Greek word λόγιος (logios) for ‘eloquent’ meant two specific things in the 1st century:
Skill in rhetoric and oratory
Intellectual depth and learning
In the Greco-Roman world, "eloquence" wasn't just about having a nice voice; it was a formal discipline.
It meant Apollos was trained in the art of persuasion. He knew how to:
Structure a logical argument.
Use sophisticated vocabulary.
Speak with power, rhythm, and clarity.
Engage an audience's emotions and intellect simultaneously.
The word can also be translated as ‘learned’. It implies a man of wide reading and deep culture. Because he was from Alexandria, he likely possessed a high-level education in both Jewish Law and Greek literature/logic.
What was in Alexandria that would have helped Apollos to achieve such a vast knowledge?
The Library of Alexandria.
The Library was famously founded under Ptolemy in 306 BC in honor of Alexander the Great.
The Library of Alexandria was established in 306 B.C.E. by Ptolemy, who founded it to honor Alexander the Great[1]. The library would have been well-established during Apollos’s time in the first century C.E.
By Apollos’s era, the library had become a major intellectual institution. It achieved prominence under renowned librarians and scholars and functioned as a university center for research, teaching, and writing in science, the arts, literature, history, linguistics, and the humanities[1]. By the time of Julius Caesar’s visit, the library boasted more than 1 million volumes, along with extensive collections of archaeological artifacts and scientific instruments[1].
Apollos’s Alexandrian background would have exposed him to this intellectual environment. During the first century C.E., Alexandria was a large, thriving metropolis second only to Rome in population and served as a center of scholarship that included one of the great libraries of the ancient world[2]. The library’s resources—particularly its collection of Greek philosophical works and its copy of the Septuagint—would have been accessible to educated Jews like Apollos. This context helps explain his considerable learning and familiarity with Scripture that impressed Priscilla and Aquila, even though his understanding of Christian doctrine remained incomplete when he arrived in Ephesus.
[1] J. Harold Ellens, “Alexandria,” in Eerdmans Dictionary of the Bible, ed. David Noel Freedman, Allen C. Myers, and Astrid B. Beck (Grand Rapids, MI: W.B. Eerdmans, 2000), 42–43.
[2] Torrey Seland, “The Writings of Philo of Alexandria,” in Early Jewish Literature: An Anthology, ed. Brad Embry, Ronald Herms, and Archie T. Wright (Grand Rapids, MI: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 2018), 1:601.
The Library of Alexandria experienced destruction in multiple stages rather than a single catastrophic event. The main collection in the Museum suffered significant damage during Julius Caesar’s Civil War in 48 BCE, when fire spread from the dockyards and destroyed the great library.[1] However, the library was afterward replaced by the collection of Pergamos, which was presented to Queen Cleopatra by Mark Antony.[2]
The other part of the library was kept in the Serapeion, the temple of Jupiter Serapis, where it remained till the time of Theodosius the Great.[2] A mob of fanatic Christians, led on by the Archbishop Theophilus, stormed and destroyed the temple in A.D. 391.[2] It was at this time that the destruction of the library was begun, and not at the taking of Alexandria by the Arabians, under the Caliph Omar in A.D. 642.[2]
However, some scholars propose a less dramatic explanation. Beginning in the early second century BCE, many scholars began to leave Alexandria for less politically volatile locations, and in 145 BCE foreign intellectuals were expelled from the city, leading to the gradual demise of the Library of Alexandria, whose fate was more than likely a steady descent into disrepair and neglect rather than one single great conflagration.[3] The library’s end was thus a combination of political upheaval, deliberate destruction, and simple abandonment across several centuries.
[1] Craig A. Evans, “Longevity of Late Antique Autographs and First Copies: A Postscriptum,” in Scribes and Their Remains, ed. Craig A. Evans and Jeremiah J. Johnston, Studies in Scripture in Early Judaism and Christianity (London; New York; Oxford; New Delhi; Sydney: T&T Clark, 2020), 21:51.
[2] John M’Clintock and James Strong, “Alexan′drian,” in Cyclopædia of Biblical, Theological, and Ecclesiastical Literature (New York: Harper & Brothers, Publishers, 1880), 1:155.
[3] Robert R. Cargill, The Cities That Built the Bible (HarperOne, 2016), 139.
The question of Christian responsibility for destroying the Library of Alexandria is more complicated than popular accounts suggest. The search results present conflicting evidence and interpretations.
A mob of fanatic Christians, led by Archbishop Theophilus, stormed and destroyed the temple of Jupiter Serapis in A.D. 391[1], and this destruction likely included the greater part of the library’s literary treasures[1]. However, this destruction was not of the Great Library itself, but rather of a secondary collection housed in the Serapeum temple.
The primary Great Library had already been lost centuries earlier. The best sources indicate that it burned during the war between Caesar and Pompey forty-seven or forty-eight years before Christ[2]. It may have been restored and burned again during the wars of the pagan emperor Aurelian in A.D. 272[2]. By the time Theophilus acted in 391, the original Great Library was certainly no longer in existence[2].
Additionally, beginning in the early second century BCE, many scholars left Alexandria for less politically volatile locations, and in 145 BCE foreign intellectuals were expelled from the city, leading to the gradual demise of the Library through steady descent into disrepair and neglect rather than one single great conflagration[3].
So while Christians did destroy the Serapeum’s library collection in 391, they were not responsible for the destruction of the famous Great Library—which had already been lost to fire and neglect over the preceding centuries.
[1] John M’Clintock and James Strong, “Alexan′drian,” in Cyclopædia of Biblical, Theological, and Ecclesiastical Literature (New York: Harper & Brothers, Publishers, 1880), 1:155.
[2] Jeffrey Burton Russell, Exposing Myths about Christianity: A Guide to Answering 145 Viral Lies and Legends (Downers Grove, IL: IVP, 2012), 126–127.
[3] Robert R. Cargill, The Cities That Built the Bible (HarperOne, 2016), 139.
What does it mean that Apollos knew ‘only the baptism of John’?
To answer this question, we must ask this question:
What was the baptism of John?
11 I indeed baptize you with water unto repentance: but he that cometh after me is mightier than I, whose shoes I am not worthy to bear: he shall baptize you with the Holy Ghost, and with fire:
John's Baptism: "Get ready, the King is coming! Repent and wait for the Spirit." — The Promise.
Christian Baptism: "The King has come! He died, rose again, and has poured out His Spirit. You can now be 'in Christ'." — The Fulfillment.
This is all important for the next chapter when we meet more who were aware of John’s Baptism.
Who instructed Apollos regarding Jesus and the word?
Aquila and Priscilla.
The Greek word for "more perfectly" is ἀκριβέστερον (akribesteron), meaning "more accurately" or "more precisely." They bridged the gap between the promise (John's baptism) and the fulfillment (Christ's sacrifice and the gift of the Holy Spirit).
How did Apollos not know this already?
The "John the Baptist" Diaspora: John’s ministry was massive. His disciples traveled all over the Roman Empire.
Slow Information: News of the Crucifixion, the Resurrection, and Pentecost would have taken time to reach every Jewish community. Apollos likely met a disciple of John years earlier in Egypt and moved to Ephesus before hearing the "rest of the story" from Jerusalem.
Where did Apollos travel to from Ephesus?
Corinth (Achaia).
He went with letters of recommendation from the church in Ephesus to receive him.
How did God use Apollos in Corinth?
He used his ability and skill in rhetoric and oratory to reveal that Jesus was the Christ.
