In Hostile Territory
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In Hostile Territory
In Hostile Territory
How can your conduct be worthy of the gospel of Christ?
By standing fast in One spirit
Striving together for the faith fo the gospel
and not being terrified by your adversaries
A character – The Philippian Church Member / The Manchester Church Member
Et Tu, Brute?
Et Tu, Brute?
March 15, 44BC
March 15, 44BC
On the Ides of March of 44 BC, a day used by the Romans as a deadline for settling debts,[9] the conspirators staged a game of gladiatorial sport at the Theatre of Pompey. The gladiators were provided by Decimus Brutus in case their services were needed. They waited in the great hall of the theatre's quadriportico.[10] Caesar, however, was late, having received several warnings in the previous days. Therefore, Decimus Brutus was sent to fetch him, and managed to persuade Caesar to attend so as not to disappoint the Senate. Mark Antony, having vaguely learned of the plot the night before from a terrified Liberator named Servilius Casca,[11] and fearing the worst, went to head Caesar off. The plotters, however, had anticipated this and, fearing that Antony would come to Caesar's aid, had arranged for Trebonius to intercept him just as he approached the portico of the Theatre of Pompey, where the session was to be held, and detain him outside (Plutarch, however, assigns this action to delay Antony to Decimus Brutus). When he heard the commotion from the Senate chamber, Antony fled.
According to Plutarch, as Caesar arrived at the Senate, Lucius Tillius Cimber presented him with a petition to recall his exiled brother.[12] The other conspirators crowded round to offer their support. Both Plutarch and Suetonius say that Caesar waved him away, but Cimber grabbed Caesar's shoulders and pulled down Caesar's toga. Caesar then cried to Cimber, "Why, this is violence!" ("Ista quidem vis est!").[13] At the same time, Casca produced his dagger and made a glancing thrust at the dictator's neck. Caesar turned around quickly and caught Casca by the arm. According to Plutarch, he said in Latin, "Casca, you villain, what are you doing?"[14] Casca, frightened, shouted "Help, brother!" in Greek ("ἄδελφε, βοηθεῖ", "adelphe, boethei"). Within moments, the entire group, including Brutus, were stabbing the dictator. Caesar attempted to get away, but, blinded by blood in his eyes, he tripped and fell; the men continued stabbing him as he lay defenseless on the lower steps of the portico. According to Eutropius, sixty or more men participated in the assassination. Caesar was stabbed 23 times.[15][16] Suetonius relates that a physician who performed an autopsy on Caesar established that only one wound (the second one to his chest that pierced his aorta) had been fatal. This autopsy report (the earliest known post-mortem report in history) describes that Caesar's death was mostly attributable to blood loss from his stab wounds.[17]
March 15, 44BC
Caesar was killed at the base of the Curia in the Theatre of Pompey.[18]
The dictator's last words are a contested subject among scholars and historians. Suetonius himself says he said nothing,[13] nevertheless, he mentions that others have written that Caesar's last words were the Greek phrase "καὶ σύ, τέκνον;"[19] (transliterated as "Kai su, teknon?": "You too, child?" in English).[20] Plutarch also reports that Caesar said nothing, pulling his toga over his head when he saw Brutus among the conspirators.[21] The version best known in the English-speaking world is the Latin phrase "Et tu, Brute?" ("You too, Brutus?");[22][23] this derives from William Shakespeare's Julius Caesar (1599), where it actually forms the first half of a macaronic line: "Et tu, Brute? Then fall, Caesar." This has no basis in historical fact. Shakespeare was making use of a phrase already in common use at the time.[original research?][24] According to Plutarch, after the assassination, Brutus stepped forward as if to say something to his fellow senators not involved in the plot; they, however, fled the building.[25] Brutus and his companions then marched to the Capitol while crying out to their beloved city: "People of Rome, we are once again free!". They were met with silence, as the citizens of Rome had locked themselves inside their houses as soon as the rumour of what had taken place had begun to spread. According to Suetonius, all the conspirators made off, and he (Caesar) lay there lifeless for some time, and finally three common slaves put him on a litter and carried him home, with one arm hanging down.[26]
A wax statue of Caesar was erected in the Forum displaying the 23 stab wounds.[27] A crowd who had amassed there started a fire, which badly damaged neighboring buildings.[citation needed] In the ensuing years, the Liberators' civil war resulted in the end of the Republic and the rise of Imperial Rome.
Julius Caesar, The Roman Dictator , fell in Hostile Territory because his house was divided.
The Aftermath
The Aftermath
October 42BC
October 42BC
The result unforeseen by the assassins was that Caesar's death precipitated the end of the Roman Republic.[114] The Roman middle and lower classes, with whom Caesar was immensely popular and had been since before Gaul, became enraged that a small group of aristocrats had killed their champion. Antony, who had been drifting apart from Caesar, capitalized on the grief of the Roman mob and threatened to unleash them on the Optimates, perhaps with the intent of taking control of Rome himself. To his surprise and chagrin, Caesar had named his grandnephew Gaius Octavius his sole heir (hence the name Octavian), bequeathing him the immensely potent Caesar name and making him one of the wealthiest citizens in the Republic.[115]
📷Mark Antony
The crowd at the funeral boiled over, throwing dry branches, furniture, and even clothing on to Caesar's funeral pyre, causing the flames to spin out of control, seriously damaging the Forum. The mob then attacked the houses of Brutus and Cassius, where they were repelled only with considerable difficulty, ultimately providing the spark for the civil war, fulfilling at least in part Antony's threat against the aristocrats.[116] Antony did not foresee the ultimate outcome of the next series of civil wars, particularly with regard to Caesar's adopted heir. Octavian, aged only 18 when Caesar died, proved to have considerable political skills, and while Antony dealt with Decimus Brutus in the first round of the new civil wars, Octavian consolidated his tenuous position.
In the mid-first century, Philippi, although not large, was a strategically located city with a rich heritage and distinctive culture. It spilled down a mountainside and onto a fertile, well-watered plain about ten miles inland from the important port of Neapolis. The Egnatian Way, a critical artery of commerce linking the city of Rome with its eastern provinces, passed through the city center.2
To combat Brutus and Cassius, who were massing an enormous army in Greece, Antony needed soldiers, the cash from Caesar's war chests, and the legitimacy that Caesar's name would provide for any action he took against them. With the passage of the lex Titia on 27 November 43 BC,[117] the Second Triumvirate was officially formed, composed of Antony, Octavian, and Caesar's loyal cavalry commander Lepidus.[118] It formally deified Caesar as Divus Iulius in 42 BC, and Caesar Octavian henceforth became Divi filius ("Son of the divine").[119]
Because Caesar's clemency had resulted in his murder, the Second Triumvirate reinstated the practice of proscription, abandoned since Sulla.[120] It engaged in the legally sanctioned killing of a large number of its opponents to secure funding for its 45 legions in the second civil war against Brutus and Cassius.[121] Antony and Octavian defeated them at Philippi.[122]
📷Gaius Julius Caesar Octavianus, Caesar's adopted heir
Afterward, Mark Antony formed an alliance with Caesar's lover, Cleopatra, intending to use the fabulously wealthy Egypt as a base to dominate Rome. A third civil war broke out between Octavian on one hand and Antony and Cleopatra on the other. This final civil war, culminating in the latter's defeat at Actium in 31 BC and suicide in Egypt in 30 BC, resulted in the permanent ascendancy of Octavian, who became the first Roman emperor, under the name Caesar Augustus, a name conveying religious, rather than political, authority
Mark Antony, Co-regent of Roman, fell in Hostile Territory because his house was divided
The Battle of Philippi
The Battle of Philippi
Winter 31/30BC
Winter 31/30BC
Octavian/Caesar August Wins a victory over Mark Anthony/Cleopatra
Although located many miles east of Rome in a province whose common tongue was Greek, Philippi had been a Roman colony since Mark Anthony and Octavian had defeated the forces of Brutus and Cassius, the assassins of Julius Caesar, at the site in 42 b.c.3 Large numbers of Philippians were descended from the soldiers who settled in the city after the battle or from those who came to the city slightly less than a decade later in the wake of Octavian’s victory over Mark Anthony.4 As a result Latin was the common language in Philippi, and the city proudly maintained a Roman character.5 Its architecture and administration, for example, appear to have been modeled on Rome’s, and worship of the emperor was an important element in the religious life of the city.6
No mystery, then, shrouds Paul’s reasoning for choosing Philippi as the base for his first evangelistic effort in Macedonia. He chose one of the most important cities in the region for his efforts.
Mark Antony, Co-regent of Roman, fell in Hostile Territory because his house was divided
Christ Birth
Christ Birth
6-4 BC
6-4 BC
Jesus was born under the rule of Caesar August
Paul’s Second Missionary Journey
Paul’s Second Missionary Journey
51AD
51AD
That he went to Macedonia at all, however, was not a matter of his own choice. As so often in his labors, his own plans were overruled by God’s clear direction.8 In this case, despite his intention to take the gospel to Bithynia, a region in north central Asia Minor, the Spirit of Jesus led him and his companions away from there to Troas on Asia Minor’s northwestern coast (). There, Paul experienced a nighttime vision in which a Macedonian appeared to him, saying, “Come over to Macedonia and help us” (). So Paul and his companions, Silas, Timothy, and Luke, set sail for Macedonia.9 Their ship landed at Neapolis, and from there they followed the Via Egnatia to Philippi.
Their stay, although only several days, was eventful. On Paul’s first missionary journey he had made a habit of going first to the synagogue in the towns to which he traveled (), but in Philippi he found only a place outside the city gate and by a river where some women who worshiped the God of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob gathered each Sabbath for prayer (). Presumably, not enough Jewish men lived in Philippi to form a synagogue, and the women may have sought out the site because Jewish worship was not welcome in this deeply Roman city.
When Paul, Timothy, and Silas left Philippi at the request of the city magistrates, they left behind a diverse group of believers. The wealthy merchant Lydia and her household believed (), as did a jailer and his family (), and perhaps a slave girl (). Apparently by the time Paul and Silas left, the group was meeting in Lydia’s house (), no doubt the largest residence among them. This was certainly not a homogeneous social unit, but God had called each believer from her or his sphere to be part of his people and, although they lived in a highly stratified society, they had no choice but to work at unity. If Paul’s letter to them is a measure of their success, then they found the task difficult (; ).
Despite such struggles, the Philippian church appears to have been Paul’s favorite church. The Philippians were willing to support Paul’s missionary efforts in other towns from the beginning (4:15a) and gave him help even during times when other churches were either unable or unwilling to assist him (4:15b). Even in nearby Thessalonica Paul’s missionary efforts received financial assistance from the Philippians more than once (4:16), and the Philippians joined other Macedonian churches in supporting Paul’s stormy ministry in Corinth (). In addition, the Philippians gave so generously to Paul’s collection for the famine-stricken churches of Jerusalem that Paul could use them and the other Macedonian churches as examples to the Corinthians of people who had “the grace of giving” (). All of this generosity, moreover, came not from any abundance of resources, but from poverty ().12 During a time of often difficult relationships with his other churches, Paul must have valued this tangible and sacrificial support of his efforts to proclaim the Gospel as a token of genuine friendship.13
E. P. Sanders, Jewish Law From Jesus to the Mishnah: Five Studies (London/Philadelphia: SCM Press/Trinity Press International, 1990), 259.
3 The battle is described in Appian, Bella Civilia, 4.105–131, and Dio Cassius, 47.35–49.
4 See the useful article on Philippi by G. L. Borchert in The International Standard Bible Encyclopedia, rev. ed., ed. Geoffrey W. Bromiley, Everett F. Harrison, Roland K. Harrison, and William Sanford LaSor, 4 vols. (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1979–88), 3:834–36.
5 This pride is clearly visible in the slave owners’ accusation against Paul and Silas in . Although the slave owners themselves were more interested in having their seedy means of income restored than in anything else, they played upon the patriotism of the magistrates and the assembled crowd when they said that Paul and Silas were advocating customs unlawful for “us Romans” to practice.
6 See O’Brien, Philippians, 4; Bruce, Paul: Apostle of the Heart Set Free, 220; Pheme Perkins, “Philippians: Theology for the Heavenly Politeuma,” Pauline Theology. Volume I: Thessalonians, Philippians, Galatians, Philemon, ed. Jouette M. Bassler (Minneapolis, Minn.: Fortress, 1991), 89–104, esp. p. 93; Collart, Philippes: ville de Macédoine, 412.
7 , in the niv, says that Philippi was “the leading city of that district of Macedonia.” Macedonia had been divided into four districts after the Romans conquered it in 167 b.c. and Philippi was in the first district. The leading city of that district was Amphipolis rather than Philippi, making it more probable that some Latin texts of the New Testament preserve the correct reading of : “a city of the first district of Macedonia.” See Ernst Haenchen, The Acts of the Apostles: A Commentary (Philadelphia: Westminster, 1971), 494. Philippi was, nevertheless, an important city in the district.
Fast forward - The year is 2019…set the stage
8 See ; ; .
9 The “we” in shows that Luke had joined Paul, Silas, and Timothy for the trip to Macedonia.
10 The place of prayer may have been by the river, however, to facilitate the ritual washings required by Jewish custom. See E. P. Sanders, Jewish Law From Jesus to the Mishnah: Five Studies (London/Philadelphia: SCM Press/Trinity Press International, 1990), 259.
The Philippian Church was in Hostile Territory, would it fall?
11 See, for example, the description of the Jews in Tacitus (b. ca. 56), Historiae, 5.
12 Lydia appears to have been the only person in the Philippian church of any means. On the question of Paul’s monetary relationships with his churches, especially as they touch Paul’s collection for the Christians in Jerusalem, see Verlyn D. Verbrugge, Paul’s Style of Church Leadership Illustrated by His Instructions to the Corinthians on the Collection (San Francisco: Mellen Research University Press, 1992), 118–27.
13 Some scholars believe that Philippians belongs to a class of letters known in ancient rhetorical handbooks as the “friendly type” (philikos typos). Such letters frequently mentioned the author’s longing to be with his or her friends (cf. 1:7, 8; 4:1), emphasized the unity and reciprocity necessary for friendship (cf. 1:5, 7; 2:17–18; 4:14–15), stressed that friends are of one mind (cf. 1:27; 2:2), and recognized that friends often have common ememies (cf. 1:29–30). See Stanley K. Stowers, “Friends and Enemies in the Politics of Heaven: Reading Theology in Philippians,” Pauline Theology. Volume I: Thessalonians, Philippians, Galatians, Philemon, ed. Jouette M. Bassler (Minneapolis, Minn.: Fortress, 1991), 105–21, esp. 107–14.
Thielman, F. (1995). Philippians (pp. 15–18). Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan Publishing House.
Has a problem – In hostile territory
Introduce the Hero
In Hostile Territory
In Hostile Territory
Jews had an uneven relationship with the Romans, and whereas anti-Semitism was not universal among Romans, it was also not unusual. It comes through clearly in the charges that the owners of a slave, from whom Paul had cast a fortune-telling demon, brought against Paul and Silas before the city magistrates. “These men are Jews,” they said, “and are throwing our city into an uproar by advocating customs unlawful for us Romans to accept or practice” (). The persecution that resulted and continued after Paul left the city appears, in other words, to have been motivated as much by the young church’s connection with Judaism as by anything else
When Paul, Timothy, and Silas left Philippi at the request of the city magistrates, they left behind a diverse group of believers. The wealthy merchant Lydia and her household believed (), as did a jailer and his family (), and perhaps a slave girl (). Apparently by the time Paul and Silas left, the group was meeting in Lydia’s house (), no doubt the largest residence among them. This was certainly not a homogeneous social unit, but God had called each believer from her or his sphere to be part of his people and, although they lived in a highly stratified society, they had no choice but to work at unity. If Paul’s letter to them is a measure of their success, then they found the task difficult (; ).
2019
; ;
Despite such struggles, the Philippian church appears to have been Paul’s favorite church. The Philippians were willing to support Paul’s missionary efforts in other towns from the beginning (4:15a) and gave him help even during times when other churches were either unable or unwilling to assist him (4:15b). Even in nearby Thessalonica Paul’s missionary efforts received financial assistance from the Philippians more than once (4:16), and the Philippians joined other Macedonian churches in supporting Paul’s stormy ministry in Corinth (). In addition, the Philippians gave so generously to Paul’s collection for the famine-stricken churches of Jerusalem that Paul could use them and the other Macedonian churches as examples to the Corinthians of people who had “the grace of giving” (). All of this generosity, moreover, came not from any abundance of resources, but from poverty ().12 During a time of often difficult relationships with his other churches, Paul must have valued this tangible and sacrificial support of his efforts to proclaim the Gospel as a token of genuine friendship.13
The Philippian Church was in Hostile Territory, would it fall?
Introduce the Guide
And meets a guide – Paul / The Bible
The Philippian Church
The Philippian Church
When Paul, Timothy, and Silas left Philippi at the request of the city magistrates, they left behind a diverse group of believers.
The wealthy merchant Lydia and her household believed (),
as did a jailer and his family (),
and perhaps a slave girl ().
Apparently by the time Paul and Silas left, the group was meeting in Lydia’s house (), no doubt the largest residence among them.
This was certainly not a homogeneous social unit, but God had called each believer from her or his sphere to be part of his people and, although they lived in a highly stratified society, they had no choice but to work at unity. If Paul’s letter to them is a measure of their success, then they found the task difficult (; ).
Despite such struggles, the Philippian church appears to have been Paul’s favorite church. The Philippians were willing to support Paul’s missionary efforts in other towns from the beginning (4:15a) and gave him help even during times when other churches were either unable or unwilling to assist him (4:15b). Even in nearby Thessalonica Paul’s missionary efforts received financial assistance from the Philippians more than once (4:16), and the Philippians joined other Macedonian churches in supporting Paul’s stormy ministry in Corinth (). In addition, the Philippians gave so generously to Paul’s collection for the famine-stricken churches of Jerusalem that Paul could use them and the other Macedonian churches as examples to the Corinthians of people who had “the grace of giving” (). All of this generosity, moreover, came not from any abundance of resources, but from poverty ().12 During a time of often difficult relationships with his other churches, Paul must have valued this tangible and sacrificial support of his efforts to proclaim the Gospel as a token of genuine friendship.
2019
"the gospel believed is the gospel lived.”
Elwell, W. A., & Beitzel, B. J. (1988). Philippians, Letter to The. In Baker encyclopedia of the Bible (Vol. 2, p. 1679). Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House.
Nero persecution did not happen until after the great Jerusalem fire of July 64AD
61AD
61AD
Who has a plan – To be worthy of the gospel of Christ (27a)
Paul, likely writing from Rome or possible Caesarea (then the date would be 58/59) either way it was before major persecution.
Only let your conduct be worthy of the gospel of Christ, so that whether I come and see you or am absent, I may hear of your affairs, that you stand fast in one spirit, with one mind striving together for the faith of the gospel,
Philippians 1:27
Only let your conduct be worthy of the gospel of Christ, so that whether I come and see you or am absent, I may hear of your affairs, that you stand fast in one spirit, with one mind striving together for the faith of the gospel,
Let … conversation be. Gr. politeuō, “to be a citizen,” or “to behave as a citizen,” from politēs, “a citizen” (cf. on ch. 3:20). The same word (politeuo) occurs in
Then Paul, looking earnestly at the council, said, “Men and brethren, I have lived in all good conscience before God until this day.”
.
2019
A free translation of the whole phrase would be: “Conduct yourselves as citizens of the gospel kingdom of Christ.” Such language was very appropriate. Paul was himself a Roman citizen. He wrote from Rome. His presence there was the result of his having exercised his rights of citizenship in appealing to Caesar
,
[1] Nichol, F. D. (Ed.). (1980). The Seventh-day Adventist Bible Commentary (Vol. 7, p. 149). Review and Herald Publishing Association.
He was writing to a place largely inhabited by Roman citizens, for the metropolis of Philippi was a Roman colony
It was a place in which he had declared himself to be a Roman
Thus the figure of speech was natural. As citizens of the heavenly country, the Philippians were to deport themselves worthily.
Only let your conduct be worthy of the gospel of Christ, so that whether I come and see you or am absent, I may hear of your affairs, that you stand fast in one spirit, with one mind striving together for the faith of the gospel,
And calls them to action – Stand fast in One Spirit (27f)
Stand fast. Gr. stēkō, “to stand,” “to stand firm,” “to be steadfast.” Compare the use of stēkō in ; ; ; ; .
The metaphor was probably military, and may be regarded as following naturally from the thought of citizenship, for Philippi was a military colony. As an army, the church is to present an unwavering front against the assaults of all enemies. It must be prepared for any kind of attack, from any side. It must beware of deceptive movements or false instructions. There must be no division or dissension within the ranks of the defenders, or their position will be weakened
2019
[1] Nichol, F. D. (Ed.). (1980). The Seventh-day Adventist Bible Commentary (Vol. 7, p. 149). Review and Herald Publishing Association.
Military Unit, Unity of purpose
In a world of pagan
with one mind striving together for the faith of the gospel (27g)
In his superb essay on how Christians should live together, Dietrich Bonhoeffer supplies seven principles for eradicating selfish ambition from Christian communities. Christians, he says, should:
• hold their tongues, refusing to speak uncharitably about a Christian brother;
• cultivate the humility that comes from understanding that they, like Paul, are the greatest of sinners and can only live in God’s sight by his grace;
• listen “long and patiently” so that they will understand their fellow Christian’s need;
• refuse to consider their time and calling so valuable that they cannot be interrupted to help with unexpected needs, no matter how small or menial;
• bear the burden of their brothers and sisters in the Lord, both by preserving their freedom and by forgiving their sinful abuse of that freedom;
• declare God’s word to their fellow believers when they need to hear it;
• understand that Christian authority is characterized by service and does not call attention to the person who performs the service.39[1]
39 Bonhoeffer, Life Together, 90–109.
[1] Thielman, F. (1995). Philippians (p. 107). Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan Publishing House.
That helps them avoid failure – being afraid of adversaries
Although oppression of Christians is not officially sanctioned in our culture, Christian convictions are not infrequently ridiculed in the workplace or subtly berated as “unprogressive” in academic circles and in the news and entertainment media[1]
2019
[1] Thielman, F. (1995). Philippians (p. 98). Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan Publishing House.
And ends in a success – Salvation that is from God
In the next phrase (v. 29) he explains the divine origin of their assurance of salvation in greater detail: Their suffering for the faith, he says, is a gift. This startling statement probably has two characteristics of Christian suffering in view, one that Paul has just explained and the other which he will explain later in the letter. (1) Suffering is a gift because, when successfully endured, it confirms the future salvation of the believer (cf. v. 28b). (2) It is a gift because through it we become identified with Christ’s suffering (3:10), a suffering that was redemptive and issued in the resurrection.14
Just as grace abounded in the suffering of Christ (), so when believers suffer for him, grace abounds as well (cf. ).[1]
2019
14 On the second, see the comments of O’Brien, Philippians, 160.
[1] Thielman, F. (1995). Philippians (pp. 94–95). Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan Publishing House.