Ezekiel Chapter 1-2 Lecture
Introduction to the Book of Ezekiel
Ezekiel, son of Buzi, was among the approximately ten thousand citizens of Judah deported to Babylon when King Nebuchadnezzar invaded Jerusalem in 598/597 BC (2Kg 24:10–17). His prophetic call came to him five years later (the fifth year of King Jehoiachin’s exile), in 593 BC. He received his call at the age of thirty (1:1), the year he should have begun his duties as a priest (Nm 4:3). The last dated oracle in the book occurs in the twenty-seventh year of King Jehoiachin (29:17), thus indicating that Ezekiel’s ministry lasted twenty-two or twenty-three years. The prophet lived during one of the greatest crises in Israel’s history—the destruction of Jerusalem and its temple, plus the exile of Judah’s leading citizens to Babylon.
The Historical Background. The years 593–571, in which the prophet was active, fall in the period of the rule of Nebuchadnezzar II, the great king of the Neo-Babylonian dynasty (605–562). Under Nebuchad-nezzar the contemporary Babylonian power had once again taken control of the area of the land routes from Africa to Asia, after an interval in which Egypt, the power in the south, had sought to play a decisive role again, as it had once before in the period of the great pharaohs of the Middle and New Kingdoms.
The book of Ezekiel contains the divinely inspired prophecies of the prophet of the same name. These prophecies consist of oracles in the first person, giving the reader a sense of access to Ezekiel’s private memoirs. Written primarily to the exiles in Babylon, the prophecies equally emphasize judgment of sins and the promise of hope and restoration.
The apocalyptic genre contains a revelation within a narrative framework. The revelation is given to a human being by an otherworldly mediator who unveils a supernatural reality, along with the means by which humanity can become a part of it (Collins, The Apocalyptic Imagination, 9).
apocalyptic visions. Apocalyptic literature is characterized by visions filled with the imagery associated with God’s manifold powers as creator. A divine messenger usually interprets the message that is conveyed to the prophet (see Rev 1:1–3). There are some pieces of Akkadian literature that show prototypes of some of the characteristics of biblical apocalyptic, but nothing that is very close (for closest connection see sidebar on Akkadian apocalypses at Dan 11). Apocalyptic literature is most recognizable in its use of rich symbolism that draws heavily on mythological motifs. In prophetic literature the symbols are rarely interpreted. Often the visions themselves do not symbolically represent a foretold happening but serve as occasions for a message concerning what God is going to do. Most scholars now consider Ezekiel’s prophetic visions as being influential on later apocalyptic literature (see Dan 7–12 and Zech 8–14). For instance, his vision of God enthroned in a shining chariot has been incorporated into Daniel 10:5–6 and the pseudepigraphal 1 Enoch 14:18.
After the fall of Jerusalem in 587 BC and the Babylonian exile, Jewish writing developed beyond prophetic writing (Uffenheimer, “From Prophetic to Apocalyptic Eschatology,” 200–17). The desire for the defeat of evil and the rewarding of the just became more desperate, and apocalyptic writings became more prevalent (Collins, The Apocalyptic Imagination, 24; Bauckham, The Theology of the Book of Revelation, 2–9).
Introduction to the World of Ezekiel
Political Environment
Ezekiel was born into a turbulent world. The major players on the ancient Near Eastern stage were switching roles and smaller nations were disappearing from the scene altogether. For centuries the neo-Assyrians had maintained their imperial grip on the region, at times reaching as far as Egypt. By the time of Ashurbanipal’s death in 627 B.C., however, it had become evident that the Assyrians had not only overextended themselves; they had also lost the imperial heart. Meanwhile, the Babylonians were waiting in the wings, ready to try their hands. Babylonia had been an important political center for more than a thousand years, having produced in the previous millennium world-class figures like Hammurabi (ca. 1792–1750) and Nebuchadrezzar I (ca. 1133–1116). But since the 8th century the Babylonians had been dominated by their neighbors to the north, the neo-Assyrians. This situation was understandably insulting to Babylonian pride, and anti-Assyrian agitation flared up repeatedly in the land. The most significant challenge was launched by an important Chaldean sheikh, Merodach-baladan, a contemporary of Hezekiah of Jerusalem (2 K. 20:12; Isa. 39:1). But Assyrian might prevailed, and in 689 Sennacherib inflicted the ultimate indignity upon Babylon, the holy city, dragging off the statue of its patron deity, Marduk, and razing the town.
Social Environment
Ezekiel’s primary audience was the community of Jews in Babylon. Mesopotamia had long been the benefactor of forced Israelite immigration. According to neo-Assyrian records hundreds of thousands of citizens from the northern kingdom had been dispersed throughout the empire. Nebuchadrezzar continued this policy with the Judeans, bringing the cream of the population to Babylon and settlements nearby. These deportation policies were driven by several objectives: (1) to break down bonds of nationality and resistance; (2) to destroy political structures by removing civil and religious leaders; (3) to provide conscripts for the Babylonian army; (4) to bolster the economy of Babylon.
Even though the Judean exiles integrated quickly into the Babylonian economy, they managed to remain a distinct ethnic and social community. References to “Jehoiachin of the house of David” and the existence of “elders of the people/Israel” (ziqnê hāʿām/yiśrāʾēl) attest to their commmunal self-consciousness. This sense of ethnic cohesiveness was promoted and reflected in the careful keeping of family records (Ezra 2; Neh. 7) and continued communication with Jerusalem, especially before the fall of the city (e.g., Jer. 29). Even though we have no record of a temple for Yahweh in Babylon (which contrasts with the situation in Egypt), Israelite religious institutions like circumcision and the Sabbaths were apparently maintained, at least externally (cf. Isa. 56:2–4; 58:13; Ezek. 44–46). From the prophecies of Ezekiel, however, we learn that the underlying spiritual condition was much different. The people seem to have brought all their apostasizing baggage with them, including their tendencies toward idolatry and all kinds of social evils (see ch. 18).
More specifically, however, Israelite confidence in Yahweh was founded on an official orthodoxy, resting on four immutable propositions, four pillars of divine promise: the irrevocability of Yahweh’s covenant with Israel (Sinai), Yahweh’s ownership of the land of Canaan, Yahweh’s eternal covenant with David, and Yahweh’s residence in Jerusalem, the place he chose for his name to dwell (see fig. 1). The nearer the forces of Nebuchadrezzar came, the more the people clung to the promises of God.
But Jerusalem fell, the Davidic house was cut off, the temple was razed, and the nation was exiled from the land. The spiritual fallout was more difficult to deal with than the physical. Nebuchadrezzar’s victory left the Judeans emotionally devastated, raising many questions about Yahweh—questions of divine impotence, betrayal, abandonment. Based on appearances, Marduk, the god of Babylon, had prevailed. Ezekiel faced an audience that was disillusioned, cynical, bitter, and angry. The “house of rebellion” (bêt mĕrî, e.g., 2:5–6) had collapsed, with no one to rescue them.
Chapter 1
Apocalyptic literature is characterized by visions filled with the imagery associated with God’s manifold powers as creator. A divine messenger usually interprets the message that is conveyed to the prophet (see Rev 1:1–3).
Isaac Casaubon, in his once far-famed Exercitationes, 16. de reb. sacr. et eccl. adv. Baronium (Geneva 1655), asserts: “in the whole of the Old Testament there is nothing more obscure than the beginning and the end of the book of Ezekiel.” Under the same impression Calvin declares, that “he acknowledges that he does not understand this vision.” Jerome had pronounced that “in its interpretation all the synagogues of the Jews are dumb, giving as their reason that it transcends man’s capacity, et de hoa et de œdificatione templi, quod in ultimo hujus prophetœ scribitur, aliquid velle conari.”
The renowned Puritan scholar William Greenhill characterized the book of Ezekiel as “full of majesty, obscurity, and difficulty.”
There are numerous examples from ancient Near Eastern art of winged creatures with human faces, especially from the Assyrian palaces and temples of Nimrud and Nineveh, but most of these are quadrupeds. Among these are the massive guardian figures uncovered in the remains of the Nimrud palace of the Assyrian king Sennacherib. One is a winged bull with a human head, and the other has the body of a lion with a human face. Ashurnasirpal’s palace at Kalhu contains figures of this type strategically placed at the entrance to palaces and temples and in throne rooms. Their huge size (eight feet high) was designed to intimidate all who entered. Syro-Phoenician art contains similar images of winged sphinxes (lion’s body, eagle’s wings and human head). Upright (biped) composites are less attested. Four-winged, eagle-headed human figures are portrayed in the Ninurta temple at Nimrud. Achaemenid Persian iconography depicts upright creatures that have four wings, human heads and bull legs and hooves.
There are numerous examples from ancient Near Eastern art of winged creatures with human faces, especially from the Assyrian palaces and temples of Nimrud and Nineveh, but most of these are quadrupeds. Among these are the massive guardian figures uncovered in the remains of the Nimrud palace of the Assyrian king Sennacherib. One is a winged bull with a human head, and the other has the body of a lion with a human face. Ashurnasirpal’s palace at Kalhu contains figures of this type strategically placed at the entrance to palaces and temples and in throne rooms. Their huge size (eight feet high) was designed to intimidate all who entered. Syro-Phoenician art contains similar images of winged sphinxes (lion’s body, eagle’s wings and human head). Upright (biped) composites are less attested. Four-winged, eagle-headed human figures are portrayed in the Ninurta temple at Nimrud. Achaemenid Persian iconography depicts upright creatures that have four wings, human heads and bull legs and hooves.
The selection of these animals may seem arbitrary to a modern reader, but they were perfectly natural for Ezekiel’s world. Not only do they appear frequently on ancient iconographic and glyptic art; they also had symbolic significance for the Israelites. The lion was renowned for its strength, ferocity, and courage (Judg. 14:18; 2 Sam. 1:23; 17:10), and served as a symbol of royalty. The eagle was the swiftest and most stately of birds (Deut. 28:49; Isa. 40:31; Jer. 48:40). The ox (or “cattle”—šôr does not specify sex) was not only the most valuable domestic animal (Prov. 14:4) but also functioned as a symbol of both fertility and divinity (cf. Ps. 106:19–20). The human, being created as the image of God and invested with divine majesty (Gen. 1:28; Ps. 8), is the most dignified and noble of all. But the significance of these creatures exceeds the sum of the parts. In the absence of abstract philosophical tools these images expressed the transcendent divine attributes of omnipotence and omniscience. Carrying the divine throne, the four-headed cherubim declare that Yahweh has the strength and majesty of the lion, the swiftness and mobility of the eagle, the procreative power of the bull, and the wisdom and reason of humankind.50
Above the heads of the four creatures is a platform sparkling like crystal or ice. Ancient Near Eastern glyptic art and sculpture contain images of winged creatures holding up a pillar, a throne or a platform. For instance, in the seventh-century Assyrian palace at Nineveh, miniature sphinxes served as column bases. Similarly, a twelfth-century Phoenician wheeled cult stand depicts a human-faced, lion-bodied, winged figure. Its wings and head appear to be holding up one side of the stand. More significantly, first-millennium Mesopotamian texts speak of three levels of the heavens, each of which feature pavements of different colored stone. The lower heavens are said to have a platform of jasper, usually associated with a glassy, translucent or opaque appearance. In these texts the pavement of the middle heavens is lapis lazuli (see comment on Ex 24:10) and holds up the dais of the god Bel (Marduk).